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Coffee (djebana) is integral to Bejas culture:
Some pictures of Ababda sitting drinking Djebana. Notice the traditional items used, very similar to the traditionally crafted wear of Somalis:
19th century Somalis roasting coffee:
Oromo coffee traditions:
"While it is generally acknowledged that coffee originated in Ethiopia, the stronger claim is that it came originally from Oromo areas. This claim is supported both because of coffee’s central ritual place in the ancient traditions of the Oromo, and because coffee is earlier proscribed by the more northern Semitic groups. Coffee finds its way into the Arab world at a later time and in a modified form.3 Haberland (1963) claims that coffee is doubtless indigenous to the Oromo. He cites the ancient art of coffee preparation among the Oromo as one form of evidence. Traditionally, broken beans are parched in butter and served in milk; the beans themselves are kept between the cheek and gums like chewing tobacco and savored. Haberland also points out that while grain is only offered in some rituals, coffee is always a feature of every ceremony. Coffee is identified as ancient by the Oromo themselves. Bartels (1983) retells the story of the death of the first man and the sprouting of the coffee plant from his grave from the tears of Waqa “god.” One of his informants tells him: “The coffee plants sprouted from the grave of the son of Waqa [“God”]. . . . Therefore it is the oldest of all things (in time and dignity). It sprouted from a place of blessing. All Oromo say so” (Bartels 1983, 304-7). Divided by harsh mountain and desert terrains, and by the cruel politics of colonial Africa, Oromo have adapted ancient coffee traditions in traditional, Christian, and Muslim contexts, in seminomadic, settled agricultural, and urban manufacturing and trading cultures. Oromo recently resettled in America have brought coffee traditions with them as a succor for the spirits of the people during times of change in the diaspora."
"In Islam there are five ritual required prayers that are considered obligatory: Salaat al-Fajr (sunrise), Salaat al-Zuhr (noon), Salaat al- ’Asr (late midafternoon), Salaat al-Maghrib (sunset), and Salaat al- ’Ishaa’(evening). In their homes, women, especially the elders, observe these daily prayers. As women get older, they are steadfast and devoted in prayers and fasting. This dedication to prayers and fasting is related to “‘getting closer to Allah’. . . . The grandmothers are . . . closer to god and always praying” (7/93). Counterpoint to this rhythm in harmony with nature (sunrise, midday, afternoon, sunset, and evening prayers) is the daily rhythm of work in this country, the rhythm of the American home, their lives in the city, getting up to go to work—sometimes a morning shift, sometimes a night shift, coming home from work, organizing rides to and from work, thinking about the work schedules of the family, the school schedules of the children, and their after-school and summer activities.
"Within these rhythms is the regular weekly ritual of women gathering for coffee. For the most part, back home in Ethiopia, the women enjoyed coffee daily. This is also the situation among the Boraana Oromo, who live in the southeastern Oromo regions; Baxter (1990, 239) observes that “every day in every village at least one household endeavors to sacrifice coffee berries.” Among the Muslim Oromo women from eastern Ethiopia, coffee is nearly always served on the same day of the week in a particular woman’s home. Once a woman begins serving coffee in her home, she continues to make it on this day each week, whether any other women come or not. The awliyaa “saints” are also served.11 Although the buna day typically remains constant, it can shift, for example from Tuesday to Monday, when other religious festivals or important events fall on the Tuesday, as may be the case during Ramadan in some years.12 Often the decision to serve coffee is made out of thankfulness for the healing of a family member, deliverance from a particular danger, or some other important life event.
"The women themselves describe gathering for coffee as their time. In answer to the general question “What do you think coffee gatherings are for?” they reply that coffee time is “women’s time—time to discuss issues, or even gossip! [a time to] . . . yell about things, [discuss] different issues about women’s organization or family” (3/95), or “our coffee time is to pray and socialize, but the major problem is we’re too busy” (3/93). Women learn about the coffee gathering from years of observing, helping, and participating with their grandmothers, mothers, and the elder women. Men are not excluded from the coffee ritual, but the gatherings are essentially held by the women for one another and the awliyaa “saints.” On rare occasions, men from the household may drop in and pay their respects and visit for a short while. While men are present, some topics and activities do not occur.
"This association of coffee with women has been reflected in accounts from other Oromo areas, where ethnographers not only observe this in practice but invariably find themselves referred to older women for information about the coffee traditions. Descriptions of the Boraana, Oromo of southeastern regions, evidence the central place of coffee in ritual life and the close association of woman and coffee. Baxter (1990) tells us that “[c]offee is indigenous to southern Ethiopia and features in almost all . . . rituals,” that coffee beans are never “cooked” or “prepared,” but rather “sacrificed” like stock—with accompanying prayers, and that “coffee beans, like cowries . . . stand for women; in heightened speech they are both used as metonyms for women” (pp. 239-40). In the buna qala “coffee slaughter,” the traditional coffee ceremony, the coffee berries are parched in butter and then served in milk. Among the Boraana, it is the women who prepare and serve the coffee fruits that swell up “like pregnant girls” (Dahl 1990, 133). Aguilar (1998) lists the rituals associated especially with women as the buna qala, relations with the awliyaa “saints,” daily prayers and blessings, and daily greetings. He contends that these domestic rituals fall properly within the domain of the women, that “men are not excluded from those domestic rituals, on the contrary they take part in them, but they are not the main actor” (p. 197). He explains that as a Yedes et al. / OROMO WOMEN 683 Downloaded from jce.sagepub.com at FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIV on May 26, 2015 man, he could participate, but that women were always pointed out as those who understand the rituals, and to whom questions should be directed (Aguilar 1998).
"Among the Arsi and Guji Oromo, who inhabit both highland and lowland regions between the Boraana, Harar, and Shoan Oromo groups, the men play a more active role in the coffee rituals. Bartels (1983) writes that “with the Arsi Oromo it is the man who prepares buna qala, even though Arsi men never prepare their food themselves” (p. 304). Although the men also may prepare the buna qala among Guji Oromo, it is clear that women also act as primary participants in coffee ceremonies. Van de Loo (1990) describes a home blessing in a Guji family, in which the father of the husband plays a central role, but the wife actually serves the coffee. The father initiates the ceremony:
Ha’da mana mucca kiyatti uccumee irbinee, bunna nyaanne
today house son my in fire kindle coffee we drink “Today we will kindle the fire in the house of my son, and we will eat coffee.”
"Then he starts the fire. Both mother and father anoint the son and his wife with butter, but then it is the young wife who “boils coffee to which she adds roasted barley, honey and butter. She then offers this drink to the father and mother” who bless the son and his wife (Van de Loo 1990, 77ff.).
Some pictures of Ababda sitting drinking Djebana. Notice the traditional items used, very similar to the traditionally crafted wear of Somalis:
19th century Somalis roasting coffee:
Oromo coffee traditions:
"While it is generally acknowledged that coffee originated in Ethiopia, the stronger claim is that it came originally from Oromo areas. This claim is supported both because of coffee’s central ritual place in the ancient traditions of the Oromo, and because coffee is earlier proscribed by the more northern Semitic groups. Coffee finds its way into the Arab world at a later time and in a modified form.3 Haberland (1963) claims that coffee is doubtless indigenous to the Oromo. He cites the ancient art of coffee preparation among the Oromo as one form of evidence. Traditionally, broken beans are parched in butter and served in milk; the beans themselves are kept between the cheek and gums like chewing tobacco and savored. Haberland also points out that while grain is only offered in some rituals, coffee is always a feature of every ceremony. Coffee is identified as ancient by the Oromo themselves. Bartels (1983) retells the story of the death of the first man and the sprouting of the coffee plant from his grave from the tears of Waqa “god.” One of his informants tells him: “The coffee plants sprouted from the grave of the son of Waqa [“God”]. . . . Therefore it is the oldest of all things (in time and dignity). It sprouted from a place of blessing. All Oromo say so” (Bartels 1983, 304-7). Divided by harsh mountain and desert terrains, and by the cruel politics of colonial Africa, Oromo have adapted ancient coffee traditions in traditional, Christian, and Muslim contexts, in seminomadic, settled agricultural, and urban manufacturing and trading cultures. Oromo recently resettled in America have brought coffee traditions with them as a succor for the spirits of the people during times of change in the diaspora."
"In Islam there are five ritual required prayers that are considered obligatory: Salaat al-Fajr (sunrise), Salaat al-Zuhr (noon), Salaat al- ’Asr (late midafternoon), Salaat al-Maghrib (sunset), and Salaat al- ’Ishaa’(evening). In their homes, women, especially the elders, observe these daily prayers. As women get older, they are steadfast and devoted in prayers and fasting. This dedication to prayers and fasting is related to “‘getting closer to Allah’. . . . The grandmothers are . . . closer to god and always praying” (7/93). Counterpoint to this rhythm in harmony with nature (sunrise, midday, afternoon, sunset, and evening prayers) is the daily rhythm of work in this country, the rhythm of the American home, their lives in the city, getting up to go to work—sometimes a morning shift, sometimes a night shift, coming home from work, organizing rides to and from work, thinking about the work schedules of the family, the school schedules of the children, and their after-school and summer activities.
"Within these rhythms is the regular weekly ritual of women gathering for coffee. For the most part, back home in Ethiopia, the women enjoyed coffee daily. This is also the situation among the Boraana Oromo, who live in the southeastern Oromo regions; Baxter (1990, 239) observes that “every day in every village at least one household endeavors to sacrifice coffee berries.” Among the Muslim Oromo women from eastern Ethiopia, coffee is nearly always served on the same day of the week in a particular woman’s home. Once a woman begins serving coffee in her home, she continues to make it on this day each week, whether any other women come or not. The awliyaa “saints” are also served.11 Although the buna day typically remains constant, it can shift, for example from Tuesday to Monday, when other religious festivals or important events fall on the Tuesday, as may be the case during Ramadan in some years.12 Often the decision to serve coffee is made out of thankfulness for the healing of a family member, deliverance from a particular danger, or some other important life event.
"The women themselves describe gathering for coffee as their time. In answer to the general question “What do you think coffee gatherings are for?” they reply that coffee time is “women’s time—time to discuss issues, or even gossip! [a time to] . . . yell about things, [discuss] different issues about women’s organization or family” (3/95), or “our coffee time is to pray and socialize, but the major problem is we’re too busy” (3/93). Women learn about the coffee gathering from years of observing, helping, and participating with their grandmothers, mothers, and the elder women. Men are not excluded from the coffee ritual, but the gatherings are essentially held by the women for one another and the awliyaa “saints.” On rare occasions, men from the household may drop in and pay their respects and visit for a short while. While men are present, some topics and activities do not occur.
"This association of coffee with women has been reflected in accounts from other Oromo areas, where ethnographers not only observe this in practice but invariably find themselves referred to older women for information about the coffee traditions. Descriptions of the Boraana, Oromo of southeastern regions, evidence the central place of coffee in ritual life and the close association of woman and coffee. Baxter (1990) tells us that “[c]offee is indigenous to southern Ethiopia and features in almost all . . . rituals,” that coffee beans are never “cooked” or “prepared,” but rather “sacrificed” like stock—with accompanying prayers, and that “coffee beans, like cowries . . . stand for women; in heightened speech they are both used as metonyms for women” (pp. 239-40). In the buna qala “coffee slaughter,” the traditional coffee ceremony, the coffee berries are parched in butter and then served in milk. Among the Boraana, it is the women who prepare and serve the coffee fruits that swell up “like pregnant girls” (Dahl 1990, 133). Aguilar (1998) lists the rituals associated especially with women as the buna qala, relations with the awliyaa “saints,” daily prayers and blessings, and daily greetings. He contends that these domestic rituals fall properly within the domain of the women, that “men are not excluded from those domestic rituals, on the contrary they take part in them, but they are not the main actor” (p. 197). He explains that as a Yedes et al. / OROMO WOMEN 683 Downloaded from jce.sagepub.com at FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIV on May 26, 2015 man, he could participate, but that women were always pointed out as those who understand the rituals, and to whom questions should be directed (Aguilar 1998).
"Among the Arsi and Guji Oromo, who inhabit both highland and lowland regions between the Boraana, Harar, and Shoan Oromo groups, the men play a more active role in the coffee rituals. Bartels (1983) writes that “with the Arsi Oromo it is the man who prepares buna qala, even though Arsi men never prepare their food themselves” (p. 304). Although the men also may prepare the buna qala among Guji Oromo, it is clear that women also act as primary participants in coffee ceremonies. Van de Loo (1990) describes a home blessing in a Guji family, in which the father of the husband plays a central role, but the wife actually serves the coffee. The father initiates the ceremony:
Ha’da mana mucca kiyatti uccumee irbinee, bunna nyaanne
today house son my in fire kindle coffee we drink “Today we will kindle the fire in the house of my son, and we will eat coffee.”
"Then he starts the fire. Both mother and father anoint the son and his wife with butter, but then it is the young wife who “boils coffee to which she adds roasted barley, honey and butter. She then offers this drink to the father and mother” who bless the son and his wife (Van de Loo 1990, 77ff.).
