While @Step a side was busy insulting Reer Gedo HG are looting his land and smoked 6 of his people.
Did you even listen to the video you posted?
While @Step a side was busy insulting Reer Gedo HG are looting his land and smoked 6 of his people.
Reer kuwait are still being abused in 2024.
While @Step a side was busy insulting Reer Gedo HG are looting his land and smoked 6 of his people.
Reer kuwait are still being abused in 2024.
We need to see #MaaqarsadeLivesMatter protests in Mogadishu, these guys are like modern day Cali baystaan
Need to start ‘Save a Boon’ charityBoon using the same words that were used against him when a sub sub sub sub sub of Surre Dir massacred his clan
Cayr iska celi maqaarsade boy. Hiraab need to leave miskeen maqarsade alone, cayr fucked you up so bad your blaming HSM in MogadishuBoon using the same words used against him when a sub sub sub sub sub of Surre Dir massacred his clan
Dhabacayo read up on Nus qiyamo when we saved your ass from @killerxsmoke and the rest of sacad. Very ungrateful people even guardian news was reporting on this.Need to start ‘Save a Boon’ charity
Dhabacayo read up on Nus qiyamo when we saved your ass from @killerxsmoke and the rest of sacad. Very ungrateful people even guardian news was reporting on this.
WashingtonPost covered this event in 1993 in a special report. The only mistake in this excerpt is that it says Morgan whilst in reality it was Gen. CabdiCasiis Cali Barre:
I don't know if you have subscription to the WP so I also copied and pasted the article for u.WashingtonPost covered this event in 1993 in a special report. The only mistake in this excerpt is that it says Morgan whilst in reality it was Gen. CabdiCasiis Cali Barre:
April 3, 1993
By Keith B. Richburg
BELEDWEYNE, SOMALIA -- In this dusty frontier town, which escaped the worst of Somalia's suffering and death, a teacher training school helps nearly 300 former educators brush up on lost skills. The Canadian army is helping to construct a new schoolhouse for 800 students. A Somali police force, as yet unarmed, patrols the streets in crisp new uniforms. A functioning jail even holds bandits and lawbreakers.
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In many ways, Beledweyne -- site of the first Somali food airlift by the U.S. military last summer -- represents a success story. Since the arrival of the Canadian heliborne forces, clan fighting has been limited, banditry has been checked, and the economy, based mainly on livestock, has revived.
But the Canadian forces cast a wary eye to a barren area just to the northeast, across an invisible line in the sand that marks the limit of their secure area of operation. A few miles beyond, outside the reach of the Canadian troops, is a violent no man's land of tanks, converted "technical" vehicles mounted with heavy weapons, and large, hostile, rival clan armies that have never been told to disband or disarm.
Story continues below advertisement
The central region, northeast of Beledweyne, is in many ways Somalia as it was before the U.S.-led military intervention in December -- gripped by the rule of gun, feuding warlords and clan violence. "All the standing armies left in Somalia are in that area," said Col. Serge Labbe, commander of the Canadian forces here. "All the working tanks in Somalia are in that area."
All of that is supposed to change sometime around the beginning of May, when the United Nations is scheduled to officially take over peace-keeping operations from the international force, of which Canada is a key participant. The U.S.-led military coalition confined its operations to the "famine zone" in Somalia's south, going no farther northeast than Beledweyne. The incoming U.N. forces will be responsible for the entire country. Most U.S. and U.N. analysts say taming the violent central region may prove the world body's most daunting -- and important -- task.
Following Politics
Following
The main front line in the ongoing, low-level war in central Somalia is the town of Gaalkacyo. The home town of Somalia's premier warlord, Mohamed Farah Aideed, it is in the hands of a rival warlord, who is the military leader of the Marehan faction recently loyal to ousted dictator Mohamed Siad Barre. The Marehan militia calls itself the Somali National Front and is commanded by Mohamed Said Hersi Morgan, Siad Barre's son-in-law and a former defense minister under him. Aideed's United Somali Congress militia and Morgan's force engage in periodic skirmishes around Gaalkacyo -- facing off with tanks and artillery in hit-and-run grabs for territory.
Story continues below advertisement
For Aideed, this battle is personal. The central region is the traditional area of his Habr Gedir faction, and he is fighting to reclaim territory he sees as rightfully his. For the Marehan, the battle is over survival. Members of the faction fear a victorious Aideed would continue to sweep north into their traditional territory, and they are trying to hold the line at Gaalkacyo.
According to Canadian military intelligence officers, who have made several reconnaissance missions into the area and who maintain contact with the local warlords, Morgan's Somali National Front is believed to have about 1,000 regulars and can draw on an additional 5,000 fighters from the Marehan. The standing force is equipped with more than a dozen tanks, six armored personnel carriers, 32 technicals and several antitank guns and artillery pieces, the Canadian sources said.
Aideed is believed to have fielded about 5,000 men in the area, mostly deployed in a line from the tip of the Canadian-controlled sector along the Ethiopian border to a point just south of Gaalkacyo. The Aideed forces are divided into three divisions, each with a handful of tanks and technicals, that combined would appear to have more weaponry than Morgan's forces.
Story continues below advertisement
The Canadians say Morgan's militia is operating with the tacit backing of local Ethiopian military commanders, who allow Marehan fighters to cross the border freely and use Ethiopian territory as a kind of safe haven for hit-and-run attacks on Aideed's forces.
In many ways, the conflict between the two factions at Gaalkacyo capsulizes the power struggle between the two major clan factions battling for dominance throughout this war-torn country. Many analysts say a settlement here is crucial to finding any kind of long-term resolution to Somalia's continuing warfare. "This whole area out here is the focus of the military conflict going on in the whole country," said Canadian Capt. Paul Hope. "Unless this is resolved, the situation in the country will not be able to be stabilized or resolved."
Gen. CabdiCasiis Cali Barre saviour of Dhabacayo
You sound like bit*h. Stop dick riding HGCayr iska celi maqaarsade boy. Hiraab need to leave miskeen maqarsade alone, cayr fucked you up so bad your blaming HSM in Mogadishu
How are they even considered reer Galguduud? They literally live in Ethiopia thanks to HG expansion@Step a side
TekNIIKO's people are the ones who lost land to HG in the 90s, and yet, still signed deals with them to invade Kismaayo instead. Now, Puntland had to step in, arm and train them to save what is left of their land. Instead of TekNIIKO helping his people rebuild their land, he has fled to Mogadishu, and now he thinks of himself as Hawiye and is bootlicking HSM.
You couldn't make this up if you tried.
How are they even considered reer Galguduud? They literally live in Ethiopia thanks to HG expansion
You are the first clown I’ve ever seen use a source while also claiming that source is wrong at the same time. Ilkoyar are just not very bright.WashingtonPost covered this event in 1993 in a special report. The only mistake in this excerpt is that it says Morgan whilst in reality it was Gen. CabdiCasiis Cali Barre:
April 3, 1993
By Keith B. Richburg
BELEDWEYNE, SOMALIA -- In this dusty frontier town, which escaped the worst of Somalia's suffering and death, a teacher training school helps nearly 300 former educators brush up on lost skills. The Canadian army is helping to construct a new schoolhouse for 800 students. A Somali police force, as yet unarmed, patrols the streets in crisp new uniforms. A functioning jail even holds bandits and lawbreakers.
Cut through the 2024 election noise. Get The Campaign Moment newsletter.
In many ways, Beledweyne -- site of the first Somali food airlift by the U.S. military last summer -- represents a success story. Since the arrival of the Canadian heliborne forces, clan fighting has been limited, banditry has been checked, and the economy, based mainly on livestock, has revived.
But the Canadian forces cast a wary eye to a barren area just to the northeast, across an invisible line in the sand that marks the limit of their secure area of operation. A few miles beyond, outside the reach of the Canadian troops, is a violent no man's land of tanks, converted "technical" vehicles mounted with heavy weapons, and large, hostile, rival clan armies that have never been told to disband or disarm.
Story continues below advertisement
The central region, northeast of Beledweyne, is in many ways Somalia as it was before the U.S.-led military intervention in December -- gripped by the rule of gun, feuding warlords and clan violence. "All the standing armies left in Somalia are in that area," said Col. Serge Labbe, commander of the Canadian forces here. "All the working tanks in Somalia are in that area."
All of that is supposed to change sometime around the beginning of May, when the United Nations is scheduled to officially take over peace-keeping operations from the international force, of which Canada is a key participant. The U.S.-led military coalition confined its operations to the "famine zone" in Somalia's south, going no farther northeast than Beledweyne. The incoming U.N. forces will be responsible for the entire country. Most U.S. and U.N. analysts say taming the violent central region may prove the world body's most daunting -- and important -- task.
Following Politics
Following
The main front line in the ongoing, low-level war in central Somalia is the town of Gaalkacyo. The home town of Somalia's premier warlord, Mohamed Farah Aideed, it is in the hands of a rival warlord, who is the military leader of the Marehan faction recently loyal to ousted dictator Mohamed Siad Barre. The Marehan militia calls itself the Somali National Front and is commanded by Mohamed Said Hersi Morgan, Siad Barre's son-in-law and a former defense minister under him. Aideed's United Somali Congress militia and Morgan's force engage in periodic skirmishes around Gaalkacyo -- facing off with tanks and artillery in hit-and-run grabs for territory.
Story continues below advertisement
For Aideed, this battle is personal. The central region is the traditional area of his Habr Gedir faction, and he is fighting to reclaim territory he sees as rightfully his. For the Marehan, the battle is over survival. Members of the faction fear a victorious Aideed would continue to sweep north into their traditional territory, and they are trying to hold the line at Gaalkacyo.
According to Canadian military intelligence officers, who have made several reconnaissance missions into the area and who maintain contact with the local warlords, Morgan's Somali National Front is believed to have about 1,000 regulars and can draw on an additional 5,000 fighters from the Marehan. The standing force is equipped with more than a dozen tanks, six armored personnel carriers, 32 technicals and several antitank guns and artillery pieces, the Canadian sources said.
Aideed is believed to have fielded about 5,000 men in the area, mostly deployed in a line from the tip of the Canadian-controlled sector along the Ethiopian border to a point just south of Gaalkacyo. The Aideed forces are divided into three divisions, each with a handful of tanks and technicals, that combined would appear to have more weaponry than Morgan's forces.
Story continues below advertisement
The Canadians say Morgan's militia is operating with the tacit backing of local Ethiopian military commanders, who allow Marehan fighters to cross the border freely and use Ethiopian territory as a kind of safe haven for hit-and-run attacks on Aideed's forces.
In many ways, the conflict between the two factions at Gaalkacyo capsulizes the power struggle between the two major clan factions battling for dominance throughout this war-torn country. Many analysts say a settlement here is crucial to finding any kind of long-term resolution to Somalia's continuing warfare. "This whole area out here is the focus of the military conflict going on in the whole country," said Canadian Capt. Paul Hope. "Unless this is resolved, the situation in the country will not be able to be stabilized or resolved."
Gen. CabdiCasiis Cali Barre saviour of Dhabacayo
Tbh you can’t separate eastern Doolo from central Somalia it’s the same clans culture etc on both sides of the border they are inseparableHow are they even considered reer Galguduud? They literally live in Ethiopia thanks to HG expansion
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Because I know history retard, everybody acknowledges SNF saved MJ in Galkayo, also use common sense Gen Morgan was on opposite sides of a conflict from the SNF atp anyways. I thought you were one of the older users here too, figured you would know basic civil war history.You are the first clown I’ve ever seen use a source while also claiming that source is wrong at the same time. Ilkoyar are just not very bright.
And yet you have have. Ciil uu dhimo, this is as believable as PL millitary advisors supposedly saving Ahmed Madobe from HSM in Ras Kamboni.Now, Puntland had to step in, arm and train them to save what is left of their land. Instead of TekNIIKO helping his people rebuild their land, he has fled to Mogadishu, and now he thinks of himself as Hawiye and is bootlicking HSM.
You couldn't make this up if you tried.