Secret Assad files show Stasi of Syria put children on trial and turning everyone into informants.

Aurelian

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This was a good read in my opinion. In this one, you will know how the syrian intel agencies made friends, family members inform on each other as well as grade schools reporting the behavior of students as young as 12 to the secret service. Don't make the length scares you.

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The TL;DR for this part

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Secret intelligence documents uncovered by The Sunday Times reveal the extent of Bashar al-Assad's surveillance state in Syria, where even family members spied on each other. The regime maintained a vast network of informants, using torture and executions to silence dissent. Documents show how security services infiltrated protest and rebel groups, recording detailed personal information and using paranoia to control people, including children. Reports highlight the surveillance of suspected enemies, internal espionage among informants, and coercion to denounce friends and relatives. One such case involved a female rebel leader having an affair with a regime soldier who was also an informant, aiding the regime’s infiltration efforts.

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Secret intelligence documents uncovered by The Sunday Times in Syria have revealed the terrifying extent of Bashar al-Assad’s Stasi-like surveillance state, where family members spied on each other and the slightest suspicion could result in ordinary people — including children — being swept into a network of prisons notorious for torture and executions, with victims buried in mass graves.



Thousands of files, written in neat biro or typed in formal Arabic, detail the way the regime has infiltrated protest and rebel groups since the revolution began in 2011. They reveal details about the vast network of informants that reported to the regime, and how the intelligence services forced the people they arrested to give up names of alleged collaborators — who would in turn be detained.



They also show the ever-paranoid, often incompetent way that Syria’s feared security services operated: constantly suspecting their own spies of being double agents, recording the way that informants from different intelligence services spied on each other, interrogating children accused of disloyalty to the regime and dutifully taking notes on suspects’ love affairs.


Over two days we analysed documents related to the way the regime coerced and cajoled people into denouncing friends, relatives and neighbours. We uncovered arrest records and caches of internal communications related to the management and investigation of informants who came under suspicion.



How the security services operated


Like the East German Stasi, the Assad regime recorded in unsparing, bureaucratic detail the lives of the people they suspected of being their enemies — including those who worked for them — in stamped, signed and catalogued documents stacked on endless rows of dusty shelves.
Surveillance reports by informants included exhaustive accounts of the location of the garage where the mother of a suspect got her car fixed, the regularity with which another suspect visited his in-laws and the number of apartment buildings owned by a third.

In 2013, Homs was a divided city, separated into rebel-controlled and regime-controlled areas that were locked in deadly battle. Some opposition-held areas were under siege, and the only way of entering them was through secret tunnels — the locations known only to the rebels.

Yet after setting agents to tail a woman from one of the rebel areas, an officer in a local intelligence unit made a series of startling discoveries, which he noted in a formal memo to his superiors.

Not only was the suspect a leader of a “terrorist” group (the regime’s terminology for anyone who supported the opposition), but so were her husband and brothers.

This female “terrorist leader” was having an affair with a regime soldier who manned a checkpoint at the edge of the besieged area.


And this soldier was an informant for the intelligence services.

“[He] currently works as a representative at your branch,” the report notes. “He spends most of his time at the [neighbourhood] checkpoint and sometimes inspects vehicles himself. He enters [neighbourhood] with [female rebel leader] without being stopped by any of the terrorists there. Please review.”

The regime had found a weak spot that would allow one of their agents to move unimpeded behind enemy lines and gather information from the family that was instrumental in controlling the area.

Three years after the memo was written, the neighbourhood fell to the regime.
 
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Detainee handed over 70 names


TL;DR

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The charges and confessions detailed in the intelligence documents from Syria are unclear, with some possibly resulting from torture, false informants, or fabricated by interrogators. Former detainees and rights groups like Amnesty International describe a harsh process for political prisoners. Upon arrest, detainees would often be beaten, placed in solitary confinement, and regularly tortured for information. One method of torture involved electrical shocks, as shown by former detainee Rasheed al-Abrash. Suspects were coerced into naming others, and their charges would depend on how many names they provided. For example, a 2015 interrogation transcript shows a detainee naming 70 alleged rebels, with the final recommendation being a military trial for terrorism and collaboration with rebels.

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Some were tortured. In a small room off the main corridor at the air force intelligence branch in Homs, Rasheed al-Abrash, a former detainee working with The Sunday Times to analyse the documents, pointed out a small brown Bakelite box with two copper wires extending out of it. The ends of both were bent crudely into rings that would be put on a finger of each hand, and used to administer electrical shocks.

The crime that a pro-opposition detainee would be charged with, Abrash said, could be increased or lessened depending on how many names of other “terrorists” they gave interrogators. Most of the interrogation transcripts we assessed contained names of alleged collaborators given by detainees.

One of the transcripts, from a young suspect detained in 2015 after officers at a checkpoint found a video “insulting the person of the president” on his phone, is presented in a question and answer-style format, and addressed to the local head of the air force intelligence services.

Over the five-page transcript, the suspect — a former rebel fighter — shares details including 70 names, as well as ages and appearance (including the height) of rebels in his neighbourhood, and a description (down to the colour of his white trainers) of an intermediary who he bribed to get his name on a list of former opposition fighters who had “reconciled” with the regime.


At the end of the report, in a section entitled “interrogator’s opinion/I suggest”, the officer adds: “After using methods of persuasion and intimidation, [the suspect] confessed to belonging to a terror group and insulting the person of the president.”

He recommended the suspect should be referred to the military judiciary in Homs on charges of joining armed terrorist groups and collaborating with terrorists. The people whom the suspect named during his interrogation should be added to the “wanted” list.
 

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School betrays 12-year-old-boy​


No one was safe from the regime. Last spring, a handwritten entry in a book of people arrested by the political intelligence branch in Homs notes the detention of a 12-year-old boy, brought in “for tearing up a sheet of paper bearing a picture of the president”.

The interrogation report reads: “On [date] while [the accused] was in his classroom, a torn sheet of paper was found under his desk. The paper bore a picture of the president. [The boy] then threw it in the bin. Subsequently, his teacher was informed. He, in turn, informed the educational supervisor at the [school], who informed the police station.”

They then turned the case over to the political intelligence branch.

“The teacher [name] was brought in for interrogation, and confirmed that he was told about the torn paper by other students in the classroom. When he asked the [boy] about it, the [boy] claimed that he had torn up the paper without noticing the picture of the president. The teacher confirmed to us that the student is quiet with good manners and had never previously displayed negative behaviour. We ran a security check on his family background and it transpired that they were not involved in any activities related to the ongoing events in the country.”

The boy, the report notes, told interrogators: “He didn’t have bad intentions and didn’t intend to offend anyone”.

Nonetheless, four days after he was accused of tearing the sheet of paper, the 12-year-old suspect was sent to stand trial in front of the courts.

The report ends there.
 

Aurelian

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VIP
for more read about the network of the rest and the civilian collaborators, often consisting of family members and friends writing reports about each others.

 

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