Which Way to the Sea, Please?

N Farah & Said S Samatar, giants amongst equals. It is as if revisiting the past except it is in the present.


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We learn that for centuries, foreign powers have alternately come, conquered, and colonialised the peoples of the area. For centuries, the Horn has been the scene of big-power showdowns, manoeuvre diplomacy, of conquests and re-conquests. The Ottoman Empire. The Khedieve of Egypt whose viceroies controlled the entire stretches of the Somali and Eritrean coastlines. Italy. France. Britain. Portugal (even if briefly).

Name one colonialist, and you needn’t name them all. But why all these diplomatic manipulations, why these wars for the Horn. Why? Ensconced in the darker shades of the fire’s flames, there are the ghostly figures of Yohannis, Menelik and Haile Sellassie. Soft are their voices; hesitant, too. Quiet their movements. Now you meet them in the corridors of diplomacy, initialing sealed letter to the Kings and Emperors of Europe.

Now you meet them amass firearms. But let us take a break while we can, let us ask a question: Is today’s war in the Horn significantly different from the previous ones? Granted, it rains a skyfull of MiGs, it shells T-62s and polemicised accusations. Granted, it is a war in which a world superpower fully backs a 30-million Ethiopia against a 3-million Somalia. But think of Shoa, a small inland kingdom, Tigre another. Think of Somalia whose sandy shores smell of the incensed fire, and Eritrea, too. Imagine ....

I suggest we turn a few pages of documented history, Indeed, I suggest that we let Ethiopia’s Kings and Emperors come out of their hiding places and speak for themselves. I suggest we
watch Ethiopia change her leopard’s skin; that we listen to her kings contradict themselves. I am afraid, however, that before we are in position to do that, we need to clear a jungle of present-day contradictions.

Editor’s note: As part of our ongoing remembrance of Said Samatar, Nuruddin Faraah, Somalia’s eminent writer, and a longtime acquaintance of Prof Said was gracious enough to
once again republish his timeless essay for this occasion. It is befitting that this piece, the third in a series, which initially appeared on the Horn of Africa Journal in 1978, a Journal managed by the late Said, reinforces our objective of remembering Said through Somalia’s political history. WardheerNews previously published this piece in 2010

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History had taught these rulers a few things. For instance: whoever had arms and European assistance had an upper hand in case of conflict. Yohannis, the King of Tigre, had proven this. His kingdom had been for a time the strongest because he had received the benevolence of the British Government and gifts of arms in abundance for having done unto the British a favour. In return for these services, it was promised that he would be granted the free use of a port. Yes, after all these years a port of import-export, a port of importance, a coast.

But the coastline had always remained the possession of other peoples, whether they were foreign powers that had conquered or local peoples such as the Eritreans, the Somalis and the Danakils. And so we see these Abyssinian Kings, their Emperors and their aides change tactic, change strategy, tone of voice, and request; we see them assume different positions; we see them change stands. We listen to them appeal to the Christian solidarity of Europe when it is the Turks and the Egyptians (Muslims) who have control of the Red Sea coast. Then we listen to them as they make gross and unfounded territorial claims later when a European power doesn’t, for political reasons, allow them the free use of the coast.
 

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History had taught these rulers a few things. For instance: whoever had arms and European assistance had an upper hand in case of conflict. Yohannis, the King of Tigre, had proven this. His kingdom had been for a time the strongest because he had received the benevolence of the British Government and gifts of arms in abundance for having done unto the British a favour. In return for these services, it was promised that he would be granted the free use of a port. Yes, after all these years a port of import-export, a port of importance, a coast.

But the coastline had always remained the possession of other peoples, whether they were foreign powers that had conquered or local peoples such as the Eritreans, the Somalis and the Danakils.
Used and the remains of their union discarded.
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I answer. Therefore, I quote:

Mv country is far distant from your country. My road to the coast, to Zeila, Tajura and Aden is at present closed by the Muslims. They prevent my receiving into my country provisions, arms, agricultural implements, artisans or even messengers of the Gospel. Will you kindly raise your powerful voice in order that I may have this way opened to me, for I desire to inaugurate in my country European civilisation, intelligence and arts. [2]
This is not 1978. No. We are in 1878, yes, a hundred years ago. And the passage quoted comes from a letter written by Menelik, then King of Shoa. It was addressed to the heads of the governments of Italy, France, Germany, and England.​
 
I suggest, however, that we leave Menelik for now; I suggest that we let the taste and falsity of this phrase linger on the periphery of our tongue; I suggest we return further and further into the womb of mother-time. We shall find history generous, we shall find her a faithful companion to the oblivious. We are in Tigre, a prominent kingdom later and always in the Abyssinian (or Ethiopian) mosaics of gain-access-to-the-coast politics, her king Yohannis then a major rival of Menelik’s. But this before Yohannis’ days. The year is 1827. It is fifty years before Menelik had written his letter to the Heads of the European Governments. This, as a matter of fact, is during the first quarter of the year 1827. And a prominent political figure of Tigre Dejjazmach Sebagadis Weldu writes a letter to King George III that his (the Dejjazmach’s) country β€œneeded fire arms which could only be obtained with European assistance through Massawa.” [7]

Fire-arms again? We’ll let this pass for now.

Although I must remind you that Massawa is now in the hands of the Turks and not the Egyptians – the Turks themselves Muslims. But what suggestion has Dejjazmach Weldu) β€œWe want you to take Massawa from the Turks and either hold it (yourself) or hand it over to us as our country is lost by it ... and the Muslim on the Red Sea coast.” [8]

The same predicament as Menelik’s, the same need but a different prescription.
 
Nothing. Promise after promise. No progress. Negotiations after negotiations. No port. In fact, Ethiopia is herself an Italian colony. We are in the second World War. Italy is on the losing side, and Haile Sellassie has enlisted the help of Britain whose Royal Air Force showers leaflets of propaganda proclamations on the Italian colonies. We read:

Eritrean people and the people of Benadir! You were separated from your mother Ethiopia and were put under the yoke of the enemy and under the yoke of the enemy, you still remain.​
I have come to restore the independence of my country, including Eritrea and the Benadir whose people will henceforth dwell under the shade of the Ethiopian flag.​
In this struggle, We are neither alone nor without arms. We have the help of Great Britain, therefore I summon you to strive to deliver yourselves from the alien slavery ...​
Eritrean soldiers in the ranks of Italy, do not fire a single shot against the British who come to help us. [28]​
 
Doing all this but their country is in turmoil and poverty stricken. They shouldn’t be engaging in warfare against their neighbours but instead focus on building their country up. But they won’t so they will continue to stay poor. πŸ’€How do you not learn from your mistakes over many centuries?
 
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